Is Texas the Future of America? These Not So United States (TX Finale)

Written By Guest User

April 12, 2022 | Our Texas Mini-Series Finale

The Purple Principle brings its seven-part series on politics and identity in the already huge, yet fast-growing Lone Star State to conclusion with a guided tour of key insights from notable “Texperts” in all six episodes. 

The series began with the operative question: is our nation’s red vs blue infighting eroding what was once a more distinctive and cohesive Texas identity? Jason Whitely, a senior news reporter at WFAA Dallas and co-host of the podcast Y’all-itics, feels that 20 years ago “there was still a Texas identity, this sense of independence, of this is how we do it in Texas.” But that events since have “really just sent Texans into one side or the other.”  

Dan Goodgame, Editor in Chief of Texas Monthly, disagrees. “If you ask someone who grew up in Lubbock, whether she identifies first as Republican, or as a Texan, she'll say Texan,” says Goodgame. “And a Democrat from San Antonio will say the same.”

Goodgame also emphasizes that a small number of Republican primary voters, as little as one million in a state of 30 million, have determined the direction of Texas politics for two decades now. This includes the recently passed docket of “red meat” legislation on abortion, voting access and unlicensed open carry of firearms. Despite the passage of these recent bills not widely popular among Texans writ large, Dr. James Henson of UT Austin’s Texas Politics Project sees little political change on the horizon. But Linda Curtis, co-founder of the League of Independent Texas Voters, expects some mobilization may occur on the issues of local control and also the failure of the Texas power grid in 2021.

Goodgame also makes an important distinction between polarization in state politics versus  Texas society. This distinction is echoed and expanded in the research report “Threads of Texas”, by the non-partisan, non-profit group More in Common. We discuss three of seven distinct identities described with report co-author Paul Oshinki, including the alienated “Lone Star Progressives” on the far left, the highly skeptical “Heritage Defenders” on the far right, and “Apolitical Providers” in the political center. 

No discussion of Texas identity is complete without consideration of the large Hispanic community in the Lone Star State who constitute a majority in the South Texas region. Former San Antonio Mayor Henry Cisneros highlights the appeal of the powerful Texas GOP with regard to young Hispanic business owners. And Dr. Sharon Navarro of UT San Antonio observes that the GOP has created pathways for Latina candidates in South Texas where the Democratic Party has not.

Nor is any discussion of Texas politics complete without attention to immigration. This finale includes former South Texas Congressman’s Will Hurd’s prescription for expanded legal immigration based on labor needs within the U.S. “Every industry is looking to hire? Guess what? Streamlining legal immigration would help with that problem,” says Hurd. 

If Florida needs agriculture workers and Texas needs hospitality workers, that should be based on a need…And then we can increase the number of those kinds of working visas based on that need in that particular location. It’s that simple.”

Another type of immigration affects Texas and that's the large influx of citizens from other states, including California. Our finale concludes with the observations of two best-selling and prize-winning authors who happen to be friends and neighbors in Austin, Texas: the novelist and historian Stephen Harrigan and New Yorker staff writer Lawrence Wright. Harrigan feels the GOP circulated slogan, “Don’t California My Texas” is part of a “rear guard action defending the Texas identity.”  But Wright notes “Texas and California have always had a kind of seesaw relationship” while expecting that “California will become more conservative and Texas will become more liberal.”

Is Texas the future of America? Tune in to consider that provocative question and the insights of a dozen informed “Texperts” of different backgrounds, perspectives and locations throughout the nation-sized Lone Star State.

Original music by Ryan Adair Rooney

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SHOW NOTES

Our Guests

Jason Whitely: Episode 1 of our Texas series, Y’all-itics

Jason Wheeler: Episode 1, Y’all-itics

Linda Curtis: League of Independent Voters of Texas

Dan Goodgame: Episode 2, Texas Monthly

James Henson: Episode 3, Texas Politics Project 

Paul Oshinski: Episode 3, Threads of Texas

Dr. Henry Cisneros: Episode 4, Bipartisan Policy Center

Dr. Sharon Navarro: Episode 4, UTSA

Lawrence Wright: Episode 5, Website

Stephen Harrigan: Episode 5, Website

Will Hurd: Episode 6, American Reboot

Additional Resources

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Transcript

Jason Whitely 

I remember covering the 2000 election for George W. Bush, then Governor of the State of Texas. And there was still a Texas identity then. This sense of, you know, independence. This is how we do it in Texas. This is the model that works here. And then the War in Iraq, and Afghanistan, after 9/11. And that has really just sent Texans into one side or the other.

Robert Pease (host) 

That’s Jason Whitely of WFAA Dallas and co-host of the podcast Y’all-itics. He kicked off our Purple Principle series on Texas identity amidst ever more passionate red vs blue politics nationwide. His feeling is, yes, even that distinctive Texas identity has eroded in recent times. But Dan Goodgame sees things differently. He’s Editor-in Chief of the widely read and respected Texas Monthly:

Dan Goodgame

The identity that Texans hold as Texans is stronger than in any other state…and if you ask someone who grew up in Lubbock, whether she identifies as, you know, first as Republican, or as a Texan, she'll say Texan. And a Democrat from San Antonio will say the same.

Robert Pease (host) 

This is Robert Pease, and you’re listening to The Purple Principle, a podcast about the perils of polarization. In this Texas series finale, you’ll hear a range of views on identity with regard to the vast, varied and vocal Lone Star State. The only U.S. state that was once a nation, and continues to maintain iconic status in American culture. In music, for example, it’d be difficult to name another state that has contributed so many great, enduring musicians across so many genres.

Such as the distinctly Texas blues of “T-Bone” Walker as far back as the 1920s and ‘30s:

[Archival audio - T-Bone Walker]

Robert Pease (host) 

The country songs, with western influence, of Waylon Jennings and Willie Nelson, beginning in the 1950s:

[Archival audio - Waylon Jennings and Willie Nelson]

Robert Pease (host)

And however you classify Janis Joplin, among others, in the 1960s:

[Archival audio - Janis Joplin]

Robert Pease (host)

That distinctly Texas sound continues to resonate today in the music of Gary Clark, Jr.:

 [Archival audio - Gary Clark, Jr]

Robert Pease (host)

And Leon Bridges with Khruangbin:

 [Archival audio - Leon Bridges feat. Khruangbin]

Robert Pease (host)

Texas also has an outsized presence in American literature, such as the great novel of our guest Stephen Harrigan, The Gates of the Alamo; the many classic works of fiction by Larry McMurtry, such as The Last Picture Show and Lonesome Dove; as well as a lengthy list of classic films and TV shows, such as the long running Dallas:

 [Archival audio - Dallas, CBS News]

Robert Pease (host)

Academy Award-winning Apollo 13:

 [Archival audio - Apollo 13]

Robert Pease (host)

Dallas Buyers Club, starring native Texan Matthew McConaughey:

 [Archival audio - Dallas Buyers Club]

Robert Pease (host)

And the popular book, film and TV series, Friday Night Lights:

 [Archival audio - Friday Night Lights]

Robert Pease (host)

Even if not yet eternal, everything is bigger in Texas, and influential. The state has spawned postwar presidents from both parties in LBJ and the two George Bushes, and many other national leaders. In fact, New Yorker staff writer and author Lawrence Wright felt our question on national politics influencing Texas should really be flipped around.

Lawrence Wright

Texas is taking over the country. And you know, the politics have been spilling out of Texas for a long time. So whatever happens in Texas is the future of America. 

Robert Pease (host)

We’d better get educated on Texas. To do that, we’ll briefly highlight major insights from interviews in each of our six episodes starting with episode one, “Messing with that Texas Identity”. Our guests are Dallas based co-hosts of Y’all-itics, Jason Whitely and, coming up first, Jason Wheeler. He’s speaking to the top down, micro-managing nature of the GOP government in the state capital of Austin.

[Enter interview audio from Episode 1]

Jason Wheeler

Oh they're going nuts about it right now, local control. And you're gonna hear that phrase over and over and over again, Republicans at the state level, the leadership, has done somewhat of an about-face on that, especially here during the pandemic, and Governor Abbott ran afoul of a lot of people in his own party. Because he, you know, issued this mask mandate statewide and shutdown early on in the pandemic. And now you see the flip side of it. He's not making anybody happy, because now he's got an order out there saying that at the local level, you cannot mandate masks as a local governmental entity. 

Robert Pease (host)

So, what about the state legislature then? After two decades in power are there any Republican members more open to negotiation and compromise?

Jason Whitely

Yeah, I think the Speaker of the House, probably like most states, the Speaker of the State House in Texas is elected not by the public at large to become Speaker of the House, but rather by the members of the body. 

Jason Wheeler

That being said, you know, that it's almost window dressing in a way because, you know, Democrats will tell you that on policy though, this last legislative session gave a lot of red meat to the conservative base here in Texas. Uh, you know, the abortion law that probably so many people across the country are familiar with now. Also open carry without a license or training. 

Jason Whitely

And that's the Trump effect. That's clearly the Trump effect because the base has moved that way. Open carry, you know, Texas has been a Republican state for almost 20 years in the legislature. And then as the Republican base, the voters, have moved farther and farther and farther right, they finally came around to it thinking, “if I want to get reelected, I gotta put some points on the board and I've gotta pass something like open carry. I've gotta pass these things.” And it sailed through the Republican side after session, after session, every two years, of it failing, failing, and failing.

[Exit interview audio from Episode 1]


Robert Pease (host)

So here’s the two party Texas report card thus far.  The long dominant GOP plays to its primary voting base and passes legislation not widely popular throughout the state. But the opposition Democratic Party remains weak in the polling and at the polls. 

Does that open opportunities for centrist independent candidates?  Independent or unaffiliated voters in Texas do make up 20% of the electorate. But the answer to that question was a pretty definitive no from all of our “Texperts.” Without a party structure, in their view,  you can’t make headway in a state as big as Texas. 

So for this finale we went to Linda Curtis, co-founder of the League of Independent Voters of Texas, on this particular question. She feels independent and third party candidates might gain traction on these issues of local control and also the tragic 2021 failure of the Texas power grid:  

[Enter interview audio]

Linda Curtis

It's one party rule that is calcifying. And this will lead to a pushback from these local communities, because they're getting starved by all the cronyism and corruption that is being done by the henchman of our state officials, who let the grid go down a year ago and still have not done an adequate investigation. It is so outrageous, what is going on here.


[Exit interview audio]


Robert Pease (host)

Loss of local control. A catastrophic power outage. Yet most pollsters do not see Texas turning even a bit more purple, let alone blue, anytime soon

In our second episode, Texas Monthly Editor-in-Chief Dan Goodgame offers this explanation for the one party state of things:

[Enter interview audio from Episode 2]


Dan Goodgame

You know, I draw a distinction between the polarization of Texans writ large and Texas politics. Because Texas politics, as you note, is, you know, very polarized, and a lot of that is just structural. I mean, I'm gonna read a short series of numbers to you and let you guess what they represent: 29, 22, 16, 4, 2, and 1.

Robert Pease (host)

Uh, contested seats.

Dan Goodgame

Nope. 29 is 29 million is the population of Texas right now, 22 million is the number of people who are eligible to vote. 16 million is the number who actually register to vote. 4 million is the number who vote in primaries in Texas. 2 million is the number who vote in the Republican primary in Texas. 1 million is all it takes to win. So that's 3.3% of the population is deciding who the statewide office holders are in Texas. And for the last 27 years, that's how long it's been since a Democrat won statewide office in Texas.  And, you know, a big part of why it works that way is, frankly, the ineffectiveness of the Democratic Party in Texas.

There's people who don't like Republican policies who are, you know, very quick of course to place all the blame there. But Democrats here similarly play to their base rather than to centrists.

And so they let the party get identified with issues that are just toxic in Texas. I mean, defunding the police, opening the borders, abolishing the Border Patrol in which thousands of Texas Latinos serve, abolishing the oil and gas industry, abolishing private health insurance, seizing semi-automatic rifles. This is not a winning platform in Texas.

[Exit interview audio]


Robert Pease (host)

Dan Goodgame is a former White House Correspondent for Time Magazine. We carried Dan’s distinction between Texas politics and society with us into our 3rd episode, 
“Growth, Diversity & One Party Politics.”  My guests were two researchers from the nonprofit group More in Common. They’ve done a hugely-ambitious study of Texas identity, you can find it online, it’s called “Threads of Texas.”

In our interview, co-author Paul Oshinski told me about seven distinct political identities in the state. Turns out 14% of far-left Texans feel like they don’t belong there at all. He calls them Lone Star Progressives. Here’s Paul:

[Enter interview audio from Episode 3]

Paul Oshinski

Texas, at least in the past 20 or so years, has been known as a deeply red and conservative state. And so Lone Star Progressives have this sentiment of alienation in Texas. They don't identify with the more patriotic, liberty-centric Texas identities.

Robert Pease (host)

Then there’s a group in the center, which he calls “Apolitical Providers”:

Paul Oshinski

This group of all the other segments in Texas are least likely to engage in political activities, they're just less interested in politics. They're also most likely to worry about being left behind… 

Robert Pease (host)

And then to the far right are “Heritage Defenders.” Which sounded to me a lot like  far-right populists found throughout the country.

Paul Oshinski

I think there's a lot of similarities. They’re a lot less optimistic, especially if you compare them to those conservative Reverent Texans or Die-hard Texan groups. But one of their key components is their strong undercurrent of skepticism of the government. 

[Exit interview audio from Episode 3]

Robert Pease (host)

All of which is distinctly Texan – and yet not unlike our national politics, where the extremes are highly engaged, and the moderate center, or what More In Common calls “the exhausted majority,” is drowned out of the national dialogue. 

We also spoke to  Dr James Henson of the Texas Politics Project at UT Austin in this same episode. His group has been conducting some of the most comprehensive polling on Texas voters for nearly two decades:  

[Enter interview audio from Episode 3]

  

Dr. James Henson

You know, the question you ask in the overall sense of essentially, was the Republican agenda that was passed and signed by the governor in 2021 a bridge too far for a general election in 2022? 

[Archival audio - News reports about GOP passed bills]

Dr. James Henson

This is legislation that is promoted by Republican legislators who do not want primary challengers from the right, and are not afraid of the general election electorate, or, you know, at the very least are willing to face that problem when they have to. I think as we look at polling and we look at the electoral environment, I don't expect that this is going to work to Democrats' advantage extensively. 

[Episode break]


Robert Pease (host)

You’re listening to our Texas mini-series finale. No serious discussion of Texas is complete without attention to Hispanic or Tejano identity, meaning Texans of Mexican descent. Texas is at least 40% Hispanic state-wide and majority-Hispanic in the south Texas region that shares a long border with Mexico. We met with two Texperts from that region, including former four-term San Antonio Mayor Henry Cisneros, in Episode 4. We asked Dr. Cisneros, how much had things changed since his breakthrough in the 1981 election as one of the very first Hispanic mayors of a major American city?

[Enter interview audio from Episode 4]


Dr. Henry Cisneros

We've made an immense amount of progress. And I see it in the access to economic opportunity, in the breaking down of segregated housing patterns, where people can live in any neighborhood that they choose. I see it in the distribution of leadership, where we have Hispanics running some of the major institutions of the community. So a lot, a lot of progress. There's a great disconnect between the kind of consensus building we have created in San Antonio and what we're seeing in the state at large, which is a seeming roll-back-the-clock and draw some old divisions, which I think are not productive.

Robert Pease (host) 

But despite those divisions in Texas, both in south Texas and statewide, the GOP has been gaining traction with Hispanic voters in recent elections. We asked Dr. Cisneros, a Centrist Democrat, why that might be the case: 

Dr. Henry Cisneros

If you were a young Hispanic in business, and you wanted to progress in your community, you're gonna relate to the people who are in power. And if all the appointments at the state level to serve on boards and commissions, if all of the invitations to you as a member of a Hispanic chamber of commerce are to be with like-minded business people, and they're all Republicans, then at some point you say to yourself, ‘well, maybe that's where I should be if I want to advance.’ And that is an immense advantage of controlling all of the levers of power. And the Republicans for 20 years have controlled not only every office, but I was told the other day that every single appointment to any body in Texas is now a hundred percent appointed by Republican officials.

[Exit interview audio from Episode 4]

Robert Pease (host) 

In addition to business owners, the Texas GOP is also attracting ambitious young Hispanics as political candidates, many of them Latinas. Sharon Navarro is a professor of political science at UT San Antonio. She’s written extensively about Latina candidates and elected officials from both parties.

[Enter interview audio from Episode 4]


Dr. Sharon Navarro 

When I hear discussions about, you know, is this new to the Democratic Party, these sort of changes have been taking place for quite some time. It's just that the Democratic Party hasn't been listening to these changes. And while there is a higher propensity of male Latino voters to vote for the Republican Party, there are also some Latinas who are returning or turning to the Republican Party because they see the systemic dominance of the Democratic Party in southern Texas. These candidates have been there for quite some time. And then when they decide to retire, there is already a male heir apparent. And so these Latinas are looking for an opportunity, and the Republican Party has been listening. You have new Latinas running for offices or newly minted candidates that are of Latin, female descent running for offices in south Texas that are getting endorsements from political heavyweights that you wouldn't see happening in the Democratic Party.

[Exit interview audio from Episode 4]


Robert Pease (host) 

South Texas is also the region on the very front lines of US immigration. A complex issue  demanding serious bipartisan attention, but it’s been gridlocked in Washington for decades. In Episode 6, we spoke with former three-term South Texas Congressman Will Hurd about sensible immigration reform, among other ideas for getting big things done, detailed in his new book, American Reboot.

[Enter interview audio from Episode 6]


Will Hurd

Look, immigration's an important issue. This is something I spent a lot of time on when I was in Congress. And that's why it's one of the longest chapters in the book. Like, look at the place we are right now. We have a real crisis on our southern border. The amount of illegal immigration, the amount of drugs that are coming into our country is the highest it's ever been. When you look at every industry that needs workers, every industry is looking to hire. Guess what? Streamlining legal immigration would help with that problem.

If Florida needs agriculture workers and Texas needs hospitality workers, that should be based on a need, the technology exists to do this. And then we can increase the number of those kinds of working visas, you know, based on that need in that particular location, that particular state. It's that simple.

[Exit interview audio from Episode 6]

Robert Pease (host)  

We also spoke to Will Hurd about our central question in this series, the strength of that proud, yet neighborly, yet independent Texas identity. We noted that in the recent primaries many Texas GOP candidates were jockeying for Trump’s endorsement, while some Texas Democrats were looking for AOC’s endorsement or PAC money. But is that a traditionally Texas thing to do?

[Enter interview audio from Episode 6]


Will Hurd

No it is not. It's not a Texas thing to do. We're used to being independent, and doing our thing, right? Do it our way. And so, look, if I were to try to dissect this, I would say a lot of elected officials are lazy, and they want to talk to or get the support of the person that has the biggest kind of partisans in their party. Okay? And so, Congresswoman Ocasio-Cortez has a very vocal, big following. And Donald Trump does as well. So people appeal to that. But what I have found, and this is how a Black Republican can win in the 71% Latino district, is that people wanna be inspired by something bigger than themselves.

And we forget that. It's hard to inspire, it's easy to fearmonger. 

But if we get back to the basics, we get back to our values of freedom leads to opportunity, opportunity leads to growth, growth leads to progress, right? Like, we're gonna be successful. And to me, that's why I titled the book American Reboot.

And I do believe Texas has an opportunity to lead the way.


[Exit interview audio from Episode 6]


Robert Pease (host)  

If Texas does lead the way, many of our guests hope Will Hurd is involved in that effort. They spoke highly of his can-do attitude with the hope that Hurd will run again for public office. That includes the noted authors Lawrence Wright and Stephen Harrigan, featured guests in our Texas Episode #5. Wright published the recent memoir God Save Texas. His friend, neighbor and occasional collaborator Stephen Harrigan, is the author of Big Wonderful Thing: A History of Texas


[Enter interview audio from Episode 5]


Stephen Harrigan

Well, I said in the book, on Interstate 45 in Huntsville, there is a 67-foot-high statue of Sam Houston that you definitely can't miss. And I make the point that it's not out of scale. He has a towering presence in Texas history. I would argue probably he and Lyndon Johnson are the two most significant Texans in that sense. And, you know, Houston was the former Governor of Tennessee who left the state under strange circumstances, to say the least, when his wife abruptly ended their marriage. And he ended up living among the Cherokees and being called by them “Big Drunk.” He sort of resuscitated his career by coming to Texas as a protege of Andrew Jackson. Ended up winning the battle of, or leading the Texian forces that won the battle of San Jacinto in April of 1836, which made it possible for Texas to gain its independence from Mexico.

He was the president of an independent republic. He was the governor of a subsequent state. He was the senator from that state. He lost his governorship because he refused to sign the oath declaring for the Confederacy. And so he's had this umbrella-like effect over much of Texas history. And though he's a complicated character, with all sorts of shading, as all historical characters are, he's much revered today, still, in the state. And every Texas governor in his or her heart still believes that they're the reincarnation of Sam Houston.

Lawrence Wright

(laughs) It’s not true, they don't live up to that, I have to say…

[Exit interview audio from Episode 5]


Robert Pease (host)  

In addition to looking back on influential Texans, Wright and Harrigan also look ahead to how Texas is changing, with large numbers of Americans moving to Texas for mainly economic reasons. That includes citizens, and sometimes whole companies, from the Great Blue State of California.

[Enter interview audio from Episode 5]

Lawrence Wright

There's no question that they're changing the state, and in many ways for the best. I mean, you know, it's stunning to me with all the people moving to Texas that our unemployment rate stays so low, and that's because jobs are being created faster than people are moving here. And a lot of those jobs are, you know, immigrants from California. There's no question about it. We see their logos all in buildings downtown, and you could see the physical representation of that migration is very evident to everyone in Texas. I was talking to an entrepreneur, one of the tech guys who's moved from the Bay Area and a very successful Silicon Valley creator. And he said, ‘you know, we failed California, we failed San Francisco. And I just hope we don't do the same thing in Texas.’

Stephen Harrigan

I think the phrase “Don't California My Texas” is part of that rear-guard action of defending the Texas identity. At the root of it, I guess, is a fear from Governor Abbott and others that Texas will just become another place. That it won't be unique, that it won't have this colossal, you know, self identity. And so, California in their mind is, you know, who knows what it is, but it's almost an arch enemy of the Texas identity. 

Lawrence Wright

The idea, you know, Texas and California have always had a kind of seesaw relationship. And it's fascinating, you know, that we live in a country where you have two states that are so different politically and yet, so fluid that, you know, they're constantly in flux. Eventually California will become more conservative, I'm convinced, and Texas will become more liberal. 


[Exit interview audio from Episode 5]



Robert Pease (host) 

For the moment, though, the color of true political power in Texas remains bright red while California remains deep blue, with neither state exhibiting much in the way of a less polarizing purple. We’ll be discussing this seesaw relationship between our two most populous states when we visit California in an upcoming mini-series:

Will Texas politics and policy remain dominated by a small percentage of GOP primary voters and candidates? Or will the upcoming general elections contain a few surprises? 


Will Texas infrastructure, including energy, roads, and housing keep up with the current rate of rapid growth? Or will the bloom eventually come off the Texas rose?  

We’re leaving the Lone Star State with those questions in mind. Other state visits lie ahead as the 2022 primaries continue.

First, though, we need a refresher course on real dialogue in our polarized age. Mónica Guzmán is Digital Director at Braver Angels, a group that facilitates cross-partisan conversation nationwide. Her new book is I Never Thought of It That Way.

[Look ahead audio to Mónica Guzmán]

Mónica Guzmán

Yes so right after the 2016 election, people in Seattle were pretty stunned. This is a very Democratic city, very blue-leaning city, and November 9th, 2016, everything felt dead. After that, a lot of the conversations that I'd be a part of at networking events or dinners with friends invariably turned to politics. And so, I would say, well, my parents are Mexican immigrants who voted for Trump. And that stopped conversation. 

And then I would wait and see if someone might, instead of walking away or changing the subject, turn to me and ask why, why did your parents vote for Trump?


Robert Pease (host) 

Please make sure you’re subscribed to the podcast, so you don’t miss that conversation. And look us up on Patreon and Apple Podcasts Subscriptions, where you’ll get exclusive access to monthly bonus content from The Purple Principle. I want to thank all of our great guests in our Texas series for shedding light on the Lone Star identity, an important but complex and dynamic topic. And special thanks to Texas-influenced composer Ryan Adair Rooney for the original scoring throughout the series.

And if you’ve been following these Texas episodes, how did you discover us? Please click the link at the top of our show notes to let us know, it will really help us out. The Purple Principle is a Fluent Knowledge production.

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